Tunisia’s post-revolution spring has brought joy and genuine empowerment to the Tunisian people, but as the extent of corruption and abuse of power is revealed, a sense of bitterness and bewilderment at how a system could fail so utterly, is emerging in the Tunisian society.
The issue now is not retribution but reconstruction of a functioning political system, this time on an inclusive and transparent basis.
This April my colleagues and I went to Tunisia to get a general impression of how the country had changed since the days of Ben Ali, to hear what the people were saying and what they wanted, to gauge the space that had been opened for civil society and to understand the role that corruption is playing in current political discourse.
Although we talked to various government and international stakeholders in the country, our focus was on civil society organizations and individuals.
The response was so overwhelming that my colleagues and I split up for meetings, meeting in the evenings to compare notes.We were profoundly impressed by the will and the vibrancy of the people that we spoke to.
After 3 decades of repression, Tunisian civil society is anything but beaten and is now determined to make itself heard.
TI press conference in Tunis, 15 March 2011
Organisations such as the Ligue Tunisienne de droits de l’homme and the Association Tunisienne des Femmes Democrates, activists such as Slim Boukhir, and various bloggers and young people all provided excellent analyses of the current situation, and realistic suggestions of how civil society could contribute to the new Tunisia.
A lasting impression was left by the women of the Association Tunisienne des Femmes Democrates, who invited us to a meeting that they held with over 700 of their members. Not only the number of participants but also the energy and the confidence that exuded from the meeting was striking. Educated, eloquent and efficient, it wasn’t only the intellectual strength of these women that impressed us, but also their unflinchingly practical approach to the obstacles posed by post-revolution Tunisia.
When our taxi ground to a halt in the dead snarl of traffic in Tunis’ main square, my companion seized my arm and pulled me out of the car. “We’ll be quicker walking,” she explained, as she led me through busy roads and alleys to our next destination. The coolness with which she conducted our next appointment revealed nothing of the hot dusty march that had left me red-faced and breathless.
In other meetings we heard the stories of oppression and stifling indifference that had characterised the regime’s relationship with civil society in Tunisia.
Now that the dictatorship is over, there is a huge need to talk and to share past experiences. Along with resentment, that the international community left civil society alone for so long in Tunisia, there is hope and enthusiasm for cooperation.
Despite all the optimism, the overriding impression that we took with us was one of fragility. There is genuine hope in the streets of Tunis, and real commitment to change. But the challenge of responding to short-term demands for change and for justice whilst also providing a basis for long-term stability and integrity, is a big one.
Tunisia has invited the international community to help them address their needs. If we fail this time – if the new system can’t provide a safeguard against corruption and abuse of power – the frustration and isolation of the Tunisian people will be even worse than under Ben Ali.
Chantal Uwimana is TI’s regional director for Africa and the Middle East
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Transparency International’s offer to work with the Tunisian people to build a national integrity system to combat corruption should be welcomed. However, it is important to point out that creating a culture of public integrity in a society undergoing rapid political change is a very complex task. The creation of anti-corruption agencies and new oversight mechanisms are a necessary, but not sufficient, element of doing so – indeed, as is clear from Chantal Uwimana’s account of Tunisia today, the pivotal role that civil society plays in times of transformation should not be overlooked. Our recent research paper published by the Developmental Leadership Program points to the important role of both formal and informal institutions (which includes the ‘political culture’) as well as ‘ethical leadership’ for integrity in development. It argues that developmental integrity in practice is a function of the complex interaction of individual integrity, the ‘institutions of integrity’ (rules and customs that promote integrity) and the ‘integrity of institutions’ (institutions that are appropriate and that work). It is therefore not only about playing by the rules (and punishing those who do not), but also about having the right rules. In the context of Tunisia’s transition, this means that careful thought needs to go into building formal institutions that will be appropriate for Tunisian society and that are compatible with the informal institutions that exist in the local culture and that also influence the behaviour of public officials. At the same time, the transition should be about building institutions that give expression to the highest aspirations of the Tunisian people. Tunisians should continue to take an active part in formulating a vision for the future based on democracy and universal human rights. Uwimana, therefore, correctly identifies the challenge before the international community as follows: to hear the voices of the Tunisians and – instead of dictating policy or withdrawing support – to help them in building institutions that are both appropriate for their unique context and congruent with international best practices. It is also important to be realistic about the challenge faced by all societies in rapid transition: the new order will necessarily have to rely on many of the same individuals and systems as the old. Even with a new constitution and political leadership, many everyday governance functions will continue to be performed by officials who have long operated under the old regime. It will be hard to change cultures, mentalities, behaviours and processes without disrupting the capacity of the state to execute its functions. If there exists an entrenched and pervasive culture of corruption, this will not disappear with the introduction of new enforcement mechanisms. New anti-corruption agencies will, initially at least, probably have limited capacity and will be inclined to focus on the highest levels of the state. Ourpaper Institutions of Integrity and the Integrity of Institutions: Integrity and ethics in the politics of developmental leadership may help to provide a framework for thinking about these difficult challenges, even if it does not provide a set of readymade answers. We would encourage those trying to build cultures of integrity in Tunisia and elsewhere to read the paper, which is freely available on the DLP website.
We need an organization of transparency in Tunisia. Many people will be happy to participate in this democratic action. Help us to start this organization. Transparency International can and must help us.
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Thank you Eduard and Minka for your sound comment. Indeed your article is helpful. Transparency is a long march and long term development project.