What did the others say? Observations on the CPI in the media
by Georg Neumann on 8:36 pm on Wednesday, 18. November 2009 | 3 Comments
The 2009 Corruption Perceptions Index has been launched. As every year, and maybe more than ever, it stirred a lot of needed debate and attention to the issue of corruption around the world. The attention the index received this year showed that the greed and lack of transparency that were at the heart of the financial crisis has affected the trust of the citizens in business, their governments and their public administration.
Here are a couple of observations and comments mentioned in the coverage of the CPI that I found very valuable and would like to share with you:
Tags: Africa > Anti-corruption Conventions > corruption > CPI > Global Corruption Barometer > uncac
Corruption Perceptions Index 2009: What does a number mean to you?
by Michael Sidwell on 12:00 pm on Tuesday, 17. November 2009 | 27 Comments
A quick search on the internet for country rankings returns thousands of results. Some tell you that Costa Rica is the happiest country in the world, while others label Germany the most beloved. Transparency International’s 2009 Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) will also show up. 180 countries ranked according to their perceived level of public sector corruption. But what lies behind each score?
Since 1995 Transparency International has published each year the CPI, ranking countries on a scale from 0 (perceived to be highly corrupt) to 10 (perceived to have low levels of corruption). The results of the 2009 edition, as every year, are sobering. No region or country in the world is immune to the damages of corruption, the vast majority of them score below 5.
The CPI has played a critical role in branding the issue of corruption on the world’s conscience. It sends a powerful message and national governments have been forced to take notice and act. The demand for public sector governance that keeps the interests of its citizens first with openness and accountability is not limited to a country or region – this is a common goal that transcends borders and cultures.
The public sector is just one side of a multi-faceted problem though. Transparency International conducts an array of global research, such as the Global Corruption Barometer, a world wide public opinion survey, and the Bribe Payers Index, which measures the likelihood of firms from leading exporting countries to bribe abroad, which taken together enables us to better comprehend the many sides of corruption.
Corruption is notoriously difficult to measure. The complexity and secrecy that shroud corrupt deals mean that it is virtually impossible to quantify the financial cost of corruption. The human expense is clear to see though, and it is the poorest that are most vulnerable. The diversity of victims that seek help from one of TI’s Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres shows that corruption can affect anyone. As we support these individuals, their personal triumphs are translated into systemic change – proving that corruption can be fought and beaten.
It may be that the CPI scores are just a number to you, but for many people around the world it is their daily reality. It need not be so. As Huguette Labelle, Chair of Transparency International, notes, “These 180 countries in our index are your countries, and their perceived levels of corruption will remain as such until you demand accountability.”
What does that number mean to you?
Tags: Bribe Payers Index > Corruption Perceptions Index > CPI > Global Corruption Barometer > measurement > Measurement and Research > public sector
The Deal in Doha
by Gillian Dell on 12:05 am on | 1 Comment
On Friday the 13th, the Doha deal on the UNCAC review mechanism was concluded! (Resolution L9). The deal was adopted by approximately 106 States Parties represented at CoSP3 —another 14 governments were there as observers. It’s a landmark in establishing the first ever UN peer review mechanism. But its not a deal to celebrate — how could we celebrate an anti-corruption mechanism that is allowed to operate in secrecy on a government-to-government basis? A review process with no requirements of non-governmental inputs, no required country visits, no expert review body, no required publication of reports (only of summaries). All optional! The outline of this mechanism flies in the face of the essentials of anti-corruption — transparency, public participation and accountability. And it departs from best practice in other anti-corruption mechanisms. It’s clear that some of the governments represented in Doha are not committed to advancing the fight against corruption and they won this round, the Doha round.
Call on governments: Be accountable!
It was not entirely unexpected that the countries that are opposed to an effective review process scored all the points and we ended up with Resolution L9 on the Review Mechanism. Why? Because they held the better cards. Blocking is the easier course when the rules of the game say there has to be consensus. And consensus is the general rule at these UN meetings on UNCAC. Unless you want to force a vote. But that’s a whole other can of worms.
So what was the upside of Doha?
Tags: Anti-corruption Conventions > Doha > review mechanism > uncac
6 years, 3 conferences, no happy end?
by Georg Neumann on 12:51 pm on Friday, 13. November 2009 | No Comments
Negotiations on the fourth day of the conference on the UN Convention against Corruption in Doha were long and hard. Governments from the two sides met last night and held discussions until around 2:00 in the morning. However, no final agreement has been found yet. Varying reports about what the draft text for how the review mechanism will look like have come out of the meetings – and they don’t seem favorable of the positions of civil society.
It appears that the mechanism will be missing or making optional the features civil society has pushed for, including country visits by other nations to assess anti-corruption progress and the publication of the reports. Involvement of civil society is another key aspect of an effective review mechanism that has been ignored by some governments even ahead of the conference by excluding civil society representatives from Georgia and Algeria.
While the results of this third session appear to be disappointing, I’d also like to highlight a side-fact mentioned in the Guardian, who reported yesterday night on the deadlock in the negotiations after six years of effort:
“In the six years since UNCAC was mooted, nearly 1,000 representatives of dozens of governments have flown to conferences in Jordan and Bali, staying for days at expensive hotels while they attempted to reach agreement. Hundreds of others have taken part in sessions in Vienna.”
The final text will be published in a couple of hours. Watch out.
In the meantime, I would like to share with you two statements we recorded during the conference. Yesterday’s plenary session on asset recovery was moved to today. For you we did a quick interview with Adrian Fozzard, Coordinator of the Stolen Asset Recovery Initiative (StAR), an initiative by the World Bank and UNODC
And yesterday we interviewed Toby Mendel of Article 19, who discusses the importance of transparency and access to information.
Tags: Anti-corruption Conventions > asset recovery > Doha > freedom of information > stolen assets > uncac
Latinoamérica no encuentra consenso.
by Guest on 11:46 am on Thursday, 12. November 2009 | 2 Comments
Conferencia de Estados parte de la Convención de las Naciones Unidas contra la Corrupción. Guest post by Inés Selvood
Después de tres días de negociaciones en Doha, aún los países de la región no han podido llegar a un consenso sobre las características del mecanismo de seguimiento de la Convención.
La mayoría de los Estados de América Latina apoya la implementación de un mecanismo que contemple la publicación completa de la información que se recabe en los informes de los países; la participación relevante de las organizaciones de la sociedad civil; y está de acuerdo con que haya revisiones entre pares con visita a los países evaluados.
Sin embargo, hay una minoría de países –entre los que se encuentra Venezuela- que no es flexible en acercar posiciones con la mayoría.
Aunque todos los países (menos uno) de las Américas ratificaron la Convención, y 28 de ellos participan hace 8 años del mecanismo de seguimiento de la Convención Inter-Americana contra la Corrupción de la OEA, parece que no pueden convencer a la minoría de sumarse a un acuerdo regional que tendría más fuerza en las negociaciones.
Quedan dos días para que los representantes puedan llegar a algún consenso. Habrá que esperar el resultado de las reuniones informales que están teniendo los países para saber si la mayoría cederá ante la negativa de unos pocos o si podrán convencerlos de adoptar una actitud más en relación con los compromisos que asumieron al momento de firmar el tratado.
Tags: anti > Anti-corruption Conventions > Latin America > uncac
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